In response to the first implementation phase of the peace agreements that Colombia is currently experiencing in and light of the upcoming presidential elections of 2018, Dejusticia presents its second series of proposals to consolidate peace and think about post-conflict.

In the plebiscite for peace, some voted for hatred of the FARC; others because they conscientiously read the agreement and rejected it; others came out in anger after reading certain messages, not always accurate, that they received, etc. An obvious question arises: who could interpret and decide whether the changes incorporated into the new agreement genuinely responded to the concerns of those who voted against it?

During the decades that the armed conflict lasted, much was written about violence and its causes, to the point that a group of experts on this subject emerged (unique in the world) under the name of violentologists. Perhaps today we must do something similar for corruption.

We learned the hard way about a country with very few bridges between different sectors. It is still necessary to defend the progress of the Peace Agreement: it is a remarkable success that today, there are 7,132 fewer weapons in our country, and that in the last ten months, there have been no registered victims from FARC actions.

Opening to disagreement entails exposing yourself to opposing ideas and contemplating the possibility of being persuaded. It does not mean that it is comfortable, but it is necessary to build a society in peace.

Colombia has a unique opportunity to build a future without an armed conflict. However, the statistics are against Colombian success, since 45% of the peace accords signed between 1989 and 2004 failed within the first five years of implementation. Therefore, there should not be additional destabilizing factors such as a breach of agreement.

Reflections on public university in light the 150th anniversary of the National University of Colombia.

Despite all of its flaws, the Selection Committee made the best selection of judges for a high court that has been made in Colombia for decades. And we have a JEP that, given its integration, has all the capacity to achieve a worthy legal closure to our long and painful war.

What is happening today in Colombia's Judicial Branch was to be expected. It is a worrying trend in a country that requires more than ever a strong and reliable administration of justice for peace.