Language is not a perfect representation of the real world. Words don't usually have a clear meaning and we frequently don't know how to name what me see.

In all democratic countries a certain balance between two main ideals is searched: the ideal of being solidare with people who don't do well in society, mostly poor persons, sick persons, old persons, persons with disabilities, etc. and the idea that people should be awarded because of their merits and triumphs in social competence. Both of them are ideals of justice; the first one is altruistic, the second one individualistic.

Three weeks ago, on my column, I criticized the consequences that come from the fact of loving countries as if they were mothers to whom we owe our existence. Daniel Mera, columnist in this journal, criticized me saying that I was mistaking patriotism with nationalism.

In his recent visit to Jerusalem Mitt Romney, the american presidential candidate, said that the development of nations lied on culture and that this explained the differences between Israel and Palestina.

In the middle of last century we had a railroad network, a social security institute, a national postal, and a telecommunications company. National integration (the little there was) was achieved by these companies. Today almost nothing remains of it. Who then fulfills the function of integrating the country?

The love for one's country is a religious feeling as the love for God. Lord Acton had already implied this back in 1862 when he said that "patriotism is in political life what faith is in religious life."

Colombian democracy has two major wounds and bleeds constantly through them.

In the subways of the great cities of the world hundreds of thousands of people mobilize every day.

Last Thursday the justice reform was given burial. Thus ends one of the most painful episodes of the institutional history of this country. From everything that occurred I feature three events and pull three lessons.