{"id":25398,"date":"2005-11-04T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2005-11-04T05:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.dejusticia.org\/hostages-of-yesterday-and-today\/"},"modified":"2017-04-11T07:18:37","modified_gmt":"2017-04-11T12:18:37","slug":"hostages-of-yesterday-and-today","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/develop.dejusticia.org\/en\/hostages-of-yesterday-and-today\/","title":{"rendered":"Hostages of yesterday and today"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>La flexibilidad del Estado colombiano para negociar con los actores armados y los delincuentes contrasta con su dureza para negociar cuando se trata de salvar las vidas de los rehenes que resultan atrapados en el conflicto. Por un lado est\u00e1 la mano dadivosa que negocia con los narco-paramilitares, por el otro, la mano inflexible que se niega a dialogar con la guerrilla para salvar las vidas de los rehenes. La famosa &#8220;mano firme&#8221; del presidente a veces se doblega. Es una mano selectiva. <\/p>\n<p>Claro est\u00e1 que la indolencia del Estado no excusa la crueldad de la guerrilla cuando se trata de rehenes. En este momento se me viene a la mente la manera inclemente como en 2003 las Farc mataron al ex ministro Gilberto Echeverri Mej\u00eda y al gobernador de Antioquia Guillermo Gaviria, entre otros, luego de haberlos secuestrado cuando pretend\u00edan hablar de paz con un frente guerrillero. Y \u00e9ste no es un hecho aislado en la historia de los horrores cometidos por la subversi\u00f3n; es parte de su pol\u00edtica revolucionaria. Una pol\u00edtica que justifica el dolor y la muerte de los inocentes cuando ello es funcional a sus fines militares.<\/p>\n<p>Pero la indolencia del Estado con los rehenes no es algo exclusivo de este gobierno. Es tambi\u00e9n una pol\u00edtica, casi una pol\u00edtica de Estado. Esta semana conmemoramos 20 a\u00f1os de los tr\u00e1gicos acontecimientos de la toma del Palacio de Justicia por el M-19. All\u00ed murieron muchos rehenes inocentes, entre ellos 11 magistrados de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, seis magistrados auxiliares, 12 auxiliares judiciales de la Corte y 13 auxiliares judiciales del Consejo de Estado. De nada sirvieron las s\u00faplicas de Alfonso Reyes Echand\u00eda, presidente de la Corte Suprema -transmitidas en medio del fuego y en directo por la radio- para evitar que el Ej\u00e9rcito -digo bien el Ej\u00e9rcito, y no el gobierno- cesara la batalla que se estaba librando en el interior del edificio. <\/p>\n<p>Este hecho terrible no s\u00f3lo puso de presente el menosprecio que el poder ejecutivo, y la sociedad en general, tiene por nuestros jueces y magistrados, sino tambi\u00e9n la indiferencia con la cual el Estado y la sociedad, en aquel entonces y tambi\u00e9n ahora, ven a las v\u00edctimas del conflicto armado y, en particular, a los rehenes. Al d\u00eda siguiente de los acontecimientos del 6 y el 7 de noviembre, el gobierno decret\u00f3 el duelo nacional y elev\u00f3 a la categor\u00eda de m\u00e1rtires a la los magistrados y dem\u00e1s personas que fallecieron en el interior del Palacio. Pero el dolor decretado no disip\u00f3 la percepci\u00f3n mayoritaria en la opini\u00f3n p\u00fablica de que el sacrificio de la Corte Suprema, y de los dem\u00e1s rehenes, se habr\u00eda podido evitar. <\/p>\n<p>La historia de los conflictos armados en Colombia no s\u00f3lo es una historia de guerras, sino tambi\u00e9n de pactos de paz. La gran mayor\u00eda de estos pactos no se ha cumplido, o ha propiciado otros conflictos y otras guerras, las cuales, a su turno, han dado lugar a otros pactos. y as\u00ed vamos. Pocos pa\u00edses tienen tanta guerra y tanta paz juntas en su historia como Colombia. Los pactos pol\u00edticos con los rebeldes y los delincuentes han sido para Colombia la continuaci\u00f3n de la guerra por otros medios, seg\u00fan la c\u00e9lebre f\u00f3rmula de Clausewitz<\/p>\n<p>Un Estado que no tiene la fortaleza militar y jur\u00eddica suficiente para acabar con sus enemigos -motivo por el cual se ve abocado a negociar con ellos- tiene pocas justificaciones para dejar de negociar cuando se trata de salvar las vidas de rehenes inocentes. La mano firme en estos casos muestra una fortaleza que en realidad no existe. El resultado es que, al final, todos pierden. \u00bfO acaso alguien cree que nuestras instituciones salieron fortalecidas luego de que, el 7 de noviembre de 1985, el Ej\u00e9rcito decidi\u00f3 no negociar con el M-19? <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Speaking of 20 years of horror with the Law Courts, Mauricio Garc\u00eda Villegas, investigator of Dejusticia, reflects on the inflexible hand of the State to negotiate the freedom of hostages.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":18,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1022],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-25398","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","subcategory-public-policies","medium-semana-en","post-scope-aaa-not-blog"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.9 (Yoast SEO v25.9) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Hostages of yesterday and today - 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