{"id":26421,"date":"2009-09-04T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2009-09-04T05:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.dejusticia.org\/reform-or-replacement\/"},"modified":"2017-04-11T07:32:07","modified_gmt":"2017-04-11T12:32:07","slug":"reform-or-replacement","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/develop.dejusticia.org\/en\/reform-or-replacement\/","title":{"rendered":"Reform or replacement?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>ENTRE 1970 Y 1991 COLOMBIA VIVI\u00d3 206 meses bajo estado de sitio, es decir 17 a\u00f1os (82% del tiempo). Lo que estaba llamado a ser accidental, es decir el estado de sitio, se convirti\u00f3 en lo normal, y lo que estaba llamado a ser normal, es decir la Constituci\u00f3n, se convirti\u00f3 en lo accidental. Es como si a uno le ponen un yeso en una pierna pero nunca se lo quitan.<\/p>\n<p>Para acabar con esa situaci\u00f3n, la Constituci\u00f3n de 1991 limit\u00f3 dr\u00e1sticamente las posibilidades de decretar estados de excepci\u00f3n. Todos pensamos entonces que esa historia de abusos hab\u00eda quedado enterrada. Pero no fue as\u00ed. Con la aprobaci\u00f3n del referendo esta semana, volvemos a lo mismo, al reemplazo de lo esencial por lo accesorio. Me explico.<\/p>\n<p>El Congreso est\u00e1 facultado para reformar la Constituci\u00f3n. Pero una cosa es estar autorizado para eso y otra muy distinta es estar autorizado para sustituirla. Reformar la Constituci\u00f3n dos veces para permitir que el presidente de turno permanezca en el poder es acabar, primero, con los controles interinstitucionales y segundo, con las reglas de la competencia pol\u00edtica. Si hay algo esencial en una Constituci\u00f3n son esas dos cosas y la reelecci\u00f3n \u2014por segunda vez\u2014 acaba con ellas. Es como si uno le pide a un carpintero que le arregle una mesa y \u00e9ste le devuelve un taburete.<\/p>\n<p>En aras de la discusi\u00f3n uno podr\u00eda aceptar que el Congreso puede modificar el per\u00edodo presidencial. Pero eso s\u00f3lo lo podr\u00eda hacer respetando su sentido original, lo cual implica, en primer lugar, que se cambie tambi\u00e9n el per\u00edodo de los dem\u00e1s altos funcionarios del Estado, para evitar el desequilibrio de poderes a favor del Ejecutivo y, en segundo lugar, que la reforma no tenga nombre propio, es decir que no est\u00e9 promovida por quien est\u00e1 llamado a ser su primer beneficiario.<\/p>\n<p>Ninguna de las dos condiciones se cumple en la ley del referendo: primero, porque con su reelecci\u00f3n pasada el Presidente logr\u00f3 capturar buena parte de las instituciones que estaban llamadas a controlarlo. Peor a\u00fan, todo indica que esa captura se hizo a punta de prebendas de la peor cala\u00f1a clientelista: notar\u00edas, puestos, plata, etc. Y segundo, porque la norma del referendo est\u00e1 hecha para el presidente de turno y eso, en cualquier pa\u00eds serio, es un esc\u00e1ndalo. Uno de los principios esenciales del derecho moderno es que las normas son generales y abstractas; no est\u00e1n hechas para fulano de tal, como suced\u00eda en las monarqu\u00edas o como sucede en los reg\u00edmenes clientelistas. Pero en Colombia, el referendo est\u00e1 hecho para ambas cosas, para beneficiar al fulano que nos gobierna y para otorgarles favores a quienes lo apoyan.<\/p>\n<p>As\u00ed como el estado de excepci\u00f3n permanente es una contradicci\u00f3n en los t\u00e9rminos \u2014un yeso inamovible\u2014 la reforma que sustituye lo reformado \u2014la mesa convertida en taburete\u2014 tambi\u00e9n lo es. En ambos casos lo secundario elimina lo fundamental.<\/p>\n<p>Hoy le corresponde a la Corte decidir si un pa\u00eds en el que un presidente que cambia la Constituci\u00f3n dos veces, a punta de favores pol\u00edticos y con el objeto de hacerse reelegir, es un pa\u00eds que tiene una Constituci\u00f3n democr\u00e1tica. \u00bfAdoptar\u00e1 la Corte la misma actitud pusil\u00e1nime que adoptaron los constitucionalistas de los ochentas? No lo creo; primero porque los argumentos para decirle no al Gobierno son hoy m\u00e1s contundentes que hace treinta a\u00f1os y segundo, porque hoy m\u00e1s que nunca lo que est\u00e1 en juego es la dignidad de la Corte y de las instituciones democr\u00e1ticas.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>We all thought the history of abuses had been buried with the 1991 Constitution. Not true. With the referendum&#8217;s approval this week, history repeated itself: the essential was replaced by the the accessory. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":18,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1022],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-26421","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","medium-el-espectador-en","post-scope-aaa-not-blog"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.9 (Yoast SEO v25.9) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Reform or replacement? - Dejusticia<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/develop.dejusticia.org\/en\/reform-or-replacement\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Reform or replacement?\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"We all thought the history of abuses had been buried with the 1991 Constitution. 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