{"id":26808,"date":"2010-11-08T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2010-11-08T05:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.dejusticia.org\/the-palace-of-justice-and-the-1910-reform\/"},"modified":"2017-04-11T07:37:31","modified_gmt":"2017-04-11T12:37:31","slug":"the-palace-of-justice-and-the-1910-reform","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/develop.dejusticia.org\/en\/the-palace-of-justice-and-the-1910-reform\/","title":{"rendered":"The Palace of Justice and the 1910 reform"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>POR UNA EXTRA\u00d1A IRON\u00cdA, LA SEMANa pasada se celebraron tanto los 100 a\u00f1os de la reforma constitucional de 1910 como los 25 a\u00f1os de la doble toma del Palacio de Justicia.<\/p>\n<p>Y es una coincidencia parad\u00f3jica, pues ambos hechos han tenido un significado opuesto para la justicia y el Estado de derecho en Colombia.<\/p>\n<p>El 6 de noviembre de 1985, el M-19 realiz\u00f3 su demencial toma y la llam\u00f3 \u201cOperaci\u00f3n Antonio Nari\u00f1o por los Derechos del Hombre\u201d. O sea que en nombre de los derechos humanos, la guerrilla secuestr\u00f3 a los magistrados y los puso en grave peligro, para supuestamente presentar una \u201cdemanda armada\u201d contra el presidente Betancur.<\/p>\n<p>Por su parte, la Fuerza P\u00fablica realiz\u00f3 su violenta contratoma sin tomar las medidas b\u00e1sicas para proteger la vida de los rehenes. Todo esto condujo a la muerte de m\u00e1s de un centenar de personas, entre ellas 11 magistrados de la Corte Suprema. Doce personas fueron desaparecidas. Y todo eso se justific\u00f3 con el argumento de que se estaba \u201cdefendiendo la democracia\u201d, seg\u00fan las palabras del coronel Alfonso Plazas, cuando respondi\u00f3 a un periodista que le preguntaba sobre lo que estaba haciendo al atacar con tanques y morteros un edificio lleno de rehenes.<\/p>\n<p>Es ir\u00f3nico y doloroso que las dos tomas se hayan hecho en nombre de los derechos humanos y de la democracia, pues tanto los derechos humanos como la democracia tienen en su coraz\u00f3n una \u00e9tica de la moderaci\u00f3n en el uso de los medios para alcanzar ciertos fines. As\u00ed como hay fines que por su perversidad no justifican el uso de ning\u00fan medio, existen medios que por su desmesura no pueden ser justificados ni siquiera por los fines m\u00e1s nobles. Por ello, si bien la democracia y los derechos humanos son valores dignos de ser defendidos, existen medios injustificables para su defensa.<\/p>\n<p>Lo que hicieron tanto el M-19 como el Ej\u00e9rcito en esos terribles d\u00edas no tuvo entonces nada de democr\u00e1tico, sino que expres\u00f3 un profundo desprecio por la vida de los rehenes y por la justicia colombiana. Veinticinco a\u00f1os despu\u00e9s, el sufrimiento ocasionado por las muertes y las desapariciones sigue siendo enorme. Pero, adem\u00e1s, los operativos militares dejaron un terrible mensaje: en Colombia la vida de los funcionarios y la propia Rama Judicial pod\u00edan ser sacrificadas impunemente en nombre del \u00e9xito militar.<\/p>\n<p>Ese desprecio por la vida de los rehenes en el centro de Bogot\u00e1 es posible que haya estimulado un desprecio por la vida semejante en el resto del pa\u00eds. \u00bfPodemos entonces extra\u00f1arnos de que la guerra sucia y la violencia homicida hayan aumentado significativamente en los a\u00f1os siguientes?<\/p>\n<p>En cambio, la reforma de 1910, aprobada el 31 de octubre de ese a\u00f1o, tuvo un significado y un impacto muy distintos.<\/p>\n<p>Esta reforma fue impulsada por la Uni\u00f3n Republicana, que busc\u00f3 quebrar el autoritarismo de la Constituci\u00f3n de 1886, que hab\u00eda sido un instrumento hegem\u00f3nico del Partido Conservador. Y lo logr\u00f3 con distintas medidas, como la protecci\u00f3n de los derechos de las minor\u00edas y la limitaci\u00f3n del poder presidencial. Pero su elemento m\u00e1s significativo fue el fortalecimiento de la Corte Suprema, a la cual le confiri\u00f3 la guarda de la Constituci\u00f3n, por un sistema de control \u00fanico en el mundo: la posibilidad de que ese tribunal, por la petici\u00f3n de un ciudadano, pudiera anular las leyes o decretos que desconocieran la Constituci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n<p>Esta reforma represent\u00f3 un avance significativo del Estado de derecho y tuvo un impacto civilizador notable, pues desde 1910 hasta finales de los a\u00f1os cuarenta, Colombia vivi\u00f3 unas d\u00e9cadas relativamente pac\u00edficas.<\/p>\n<p>Por sus significados opuestos, la reforma de 1910 y la doble toma del Palacio de Justicia nos legan parad\u00f3jicamente la misma ense\u00f1anza: sin una justicia independiente y protegida, la democracia y la paz resultan imposibles.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By a strange irony, last week held both the 100 years of the constitutional reform of 1910 and the 25 years of the double occupation of the Palace of Justice.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":17,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1022],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-26808","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","medium-el-espectador-en","post-scope-aaa-not-blog"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.9 (Yoast SEO v25.9) - 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