Although on Friday courts re-opened, the judiciary's structural problems persist without real solutions: judges and stuff, alongside government bodies, are responsible for improvising the implementation of reforms.

Last week I wrote about my father's death who was run over by a motorcyle that shattered his skull when he was walking on San Juan street in Medellín.

Witnessing here in Brazil the political upheaval— the image of Lula being interrogated, the preparations for a Sunday march against Dilma and a counter-protest by the PT— I'm reminded of the slogans coined by locals to make sense of this country of extreme grandeur and misery.

We are already hearing more elaborate proposals about how the implementation of the agreements with the FARC should work.

Tourism in Colombia has grown significantly and seems only to accelerate: in the last decade the number of tourist visa entries have doubled, with an increase of 16.3% in only the last year.

Everything seems to indicate that since Enrique Peñalosa entered as Bogotá's mayor, we are all suspect of having committed a crime.

The discontent of users is growing: in 2015 the satisfaction dipped to 19% and 89% of riders thought that the service had not improved.

Even if one tries, it is difficult to imagine a political division more irrational than the one we have in the Middle Magdalena region and in part explains its precarious governability and its acute problems of violence.

My father, Jaime García Isaza, died last Tuesday in Medellin, after being run over by a motorcycle on San Juan Street.

This week in Bogotá and Ibagué, it was clear that the government is split between two different conceptions of democracy.

The E24 Movement has called for a protest and the government has responded with stigmatization. This is not acceptable in a democracy that seeks greater inclusion through peace.

Delivering justice after a war is always a difficult task. The Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia stands out for having been negotiated and not imposed.