Some have argued that whatever popular vote mechanism for the peace accord is unconstitutional, as it would not be legitimate to subject a peace accord to a citizen vote.

Written from Puerto Asís, Putumayo.

The Constitutional Court's ruling about the National Development Plan is much more than the prohibition of mining in paramos.

Last February 7th was the nine-year anniversary of the Constitutional Court's ruling recognizing the legal existence of same-sex couples and their inheritance rights through the institution of "de facto marital unions", or popularly known as free unions.

Blu Radio, Héctor Abad and Mauricio Pombo show us that in reality we don't understand feminism.

The international community is engaging productively in a peace processes whose success is looking more likely by the day. And it’s worth taking note, because this peace negotiation process is yielding important innovations to balance justice and peace, and to focus the process on victims’ rights and reparations.

In Latin America the use of prison as a response to drugs have disproportionately affected women.

One thing is to think about bringing together in a couple years and in a post-conflict context a constituent assembly, with a limited mandate, to define the essential issues that have not been adequately dealt with in Congress, like rural land management. Another very different thing is to think to bring together a constituent assembly to conduct a referendum and implement the peace accord with the FARC.

In other op-eds I have explained the enormous risks of a constitutional constituent assembly as a popular vote mechanism for the peace accord.

In a recent interview, Timochenko attempts to change the FARC's image as a cruel and soulless group.

The judiciary should react to its legitimacy and credibility crisis.

Last week, the members of Constitutional Court Judge Jorge Iván Palacio's office conducted a judicial inspection of the Atrato River to determine the contamination due to illegal mining in the zone.