Mauricio García Villegas offers a less optimistic interpretation of the triumph of the rejection of the European Constitution by France and Holland.

This paper aims at answering the following question: is it appropriate and convenient to use the restorative justice model as the dominant paradigm to analyze and solve the problems of transitional justice and reconciliation? We believe this is a relevant question, since many argue, especially after the South African transition, that transitional processes should be founded on restorative justice. This is the case of Colombia, where the restorative justice model has been defended by many as the best way to face the atrocities committed by paramilitary groups, which are currently negotiating peace with the government.

Many political commentators divide the leftist Latin America into two sectors: “modern” and “populist”. César Rodríguez proposes a more complex view.

Making the rule of law a reality and attaining peace in Colombia demands a judicial system that effectively punishes serious violations of human rights committed by all actors in society, including state officials. Therefore, the independence and efficiency of the Attorney General’s investigations of human rights violations must be subjected to rigorous empirical analysis and constant public debates. In this document, DJS contributes to that effort through a critical study of how the Attorney General’s Human Rights Unit (UDH) has operated over the last few years. In order to do that, the text combines tools of empirical qualitative analysis (case studies) with a follow-up and measurement of the UDH’s performance, which contributes to reducing the impunity of human rights violations in Colombia. (Note: This document is written in Spanish.)

Helena Alviar García e Isabel Cristina Jaramillo believe that the state contradicts itself by prohibiting abortion.

Mauricio García V. explains the reasons for the agitated political debate in France because of the next referendum of the European Constitution.